published on 14.01.2023
There was no chance of timing the Jan. 8 election by the Bolsonarians to occupy and loot Brazil’s executive and legislative power buildings. The opportunity was probably very good, a week after Lula’s inauguration, to “commemorate” the “capture of the capitol” by organizing a coup similar to Brasilia. With strong foreign support, and especially American support in the person of Donald Trump and that of Steve Bannon, the Brazilian fascists – in the absence of their teacher, Jair Bolsonaro, alone in Florida – intend to paralyze the country with violence. Not only do they reject the decision of the ballot box, but, more fundamentally, they seek to destroy the institutions that are supposed to guarantee the nation’s democratic principles. The takeaway: the far right, whose concept of power is based on visceral nationalism and supremacy, authoritarianism, the eradication (symbolic and physical) of all opposition, violence (the state when in control) and cult personality cannot afford to lose. that. Those who preach “order” at all costs revile the only thing of value, democratic order.
It is likely that as a child you often wondered how a Hitler had come to power through an election in Germany and how, in less than twenty years, the Nazis had been able to methodically take the lives of millions of Jews, eliminate their political opponents afterwards. launched the German army to attack Europe and the world. As a teenager, you probably sought to understand by going to Auschwitz, studying, reading and listening to former resistance fighters. Insufferable poverty and inequality, humiliation, financial crisis, unions and left forces weakened, divided and in conflict, scapegoats defined by racist and then xenophobic criteria, the illusion of the benefits of a supreme savior and political violence that accompanies it: so many conditions which, combined with capitalist economic violence, pave the way for the extreme right to take power through the ballot box or through arms; or both, if necessary. As an adult, you’ve seen Franco stand in Spain, maybe even the Greek generals bringing their country to their knees, or in Chile Pinochet executing the democratic socialist president-elect, Salvador Allende. Mature, you have seen Erdogan, Putin, Orban, Modi…, all the hatemongers, winning election after election. For thirty years, you have seen the advance of the extreme right in France and in Europe, you have seen it extend its tentacles inside and outside the institutions. In complete isolation, a squad of French generals have called for a coup in France itself – hidden in the shadows, they bide their time as they weave their webs.
Now, whether it is Hungary, Italy or even Sweden, whose right-wing government depends on the support of the extreme right in the country, the examples are clear; starting with the war in Ukraine started by a great Russian Putin. Here are two times that Marine Le Pen reaches the second round of the presidential elections. She sits in the semi-circle with a group of 88 other deputies, some of whom are deputy speakers of the Assembly. You don’t need to be prescient to understand that, if nothing moves, if the powerful movements of social and political struggles do not rise and unite, there will be no third chance for France and that 2027 will be the “maid” .
Among the assets of the far-right forces are their certain rhetorical adaptability, which evolves according to their electoral objectives (see Sylvain Crépon in L’Humanité of January 11), their international convergences as well as their promise of “security”. However, when the brutality of neoliberal policies is accompanied by complacency about the ideas of the extreme right (appropriating its words, images, its “novel”), the trivialization of its active presence in political debate (“they represent parts of the electorate “…) and, worse, the porosity of well-intentioned minds to his diatribes against immigrants, against Muslims and/or Arabs, the main factors facilitating his rise and anchoring are in motion and, reinforced when, in In at the same time, all the factors of division of the forces of the left are used one by one, sometimes even by their members. Why would it be necessary that, on an ideological level, all the forces of the left must first be aligned before leading the struggle for social transformation? How would we be unable to establish, under the impetus and control of popular forces, a common agenda for breaking with neoliberal policies – even with capitalism – allowing the issues that divide or oppose us to be democratically debated in the heat of the moment? of the moment? This is the reason that, for its part, the battle that is taking place against the government’s pension reform plan, beyond the objective of bringing under control the executive, the right and the employers here, can contribute to opening a perspective.
While the RN will be covered in defense of the interests of only “French workers” (in reality, “French employers, first of all”) – carefully guarding, therefore, the capital -, will we be able to contribute to the collection and expression of a popular majority which, forged in consciousness, creates the conditions for a lasting change to the left, in the service of the forces of work and creation? We don’t compromise with the far right, we fight it.
PCF International Relations Manager