Posted on 09/11/2022 by PCF
Faced with an extreme right in power, with deep complicity in the repressive organs of the army and police, aggressive, threatening and having deployed impressive financial resources, the Brazilian people mobilized to block the way to Bolsonaro and allow the election of President Lula. da Silva (PT) in the second round1 with 50.90% of the votes cast.
A certain illusion of the guaranteed benefits of a useful vote around the single personality of former president Lula Inacio da Silva and a victory in the first round had favored a form of demobilization on the left. The extreme right was extremely active at the grassroots and, promoting radicalization, under the guise of an “evangelical” church party, the Liberal Party (PL), invested in this case by Bolsonaro2, managed to absorb a large part of the right-wing electorate and win important posts in the National Congress as well as in the Senate and in the United States, the proportional vote for deputies and senators, whose election is simultaneous with the presidential election. elections. Despite some gains on the left, such as that of a new federal deputy from the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) in Porto Alegre.
Within an even more conservative Congress than the previous one, among the 513 seats distributed in a still mostly pluralistic panorama, the Federation of Hope of Brazil (FE Brazil: PCdoB, PT, PV) takes 80 seats (+12) including the PCdoB which takes 6 MPs (+2), away from PL, the first group with 99 MPs (+23) that counts among its elected some of the most contested figures in the Bolsonaro government, such as the former Minister of Health in the criminal inefficiency . at the worst moment of the health crisis. The PCdoB, by developing the principle of party federation, contributes to the conditions of the period of democratic reconstruction that is beginning.
In the second round, it remained to elect the President of the Republic and the Governors of the States that did not receive a majority in the first round.
Fortunately, the month of campaigning between the first and second rounds has seen Brazilian democrats mobilize at the grassroots level, overcoming major divisions, tackling vote-buying, workplace electoral harassment and employment blackmail. , violence against activists up to murder.
As millions of Brazilians are again experiencing hunger and unemployment, it is therefore mainly against a background of “class instinct” that mobilizes the popular layers or the defense of culture in the intermediate layers that Brazilian democrats have found to overcome the demagogic ventures of the extreme right.
Lula’s victory, once again committed to eradicating hunger in his country, was greeted by widespread popular enthusiasm, which has begun to express freedom. Many Brazilian workers who remained sober are once again making comments in scenes of everyday life, while obstruction efforts by Bolsonaro’s supporters have remained marginal.
The experience that our Brazilian comrades have just gone through in their battle against the extreme right is rich in lessons and still deserves more detailed analysis, especially to better understand the reasons for regional contrasts in resistance to fascist demagoguery.
With Lula, the prospect of a constructive return of Brazil to the concert of nations was universally welcomed, being able for this great country within the BRICs, the Latin American region or the UN to once again play an important role. in initiatives for peace, development. , environmental protection and social justice.
member of the Latin American PCF collective
2 Bolsonaro left his original party and chose to invest in a supposedly “centrist” but above all “evangelical” party, placed at the center of a maneuver aimed at linking himself with a particularly corrupt “parliamentary center”.